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Cartography assumes that syntactic structures are more complex than the usual functional phrases; for example, CP is arguably made up of several projections, each of which is assigned specific scope-discourse features (such as focus and topic; Rizzi 1997).

In this paper, we focus on a set of data from Greek root-allomorphy that has been recently presented by Merchant (2015) as a counterexample to the strong hypothesis from Embick (2010) that linear adjacency between the trigger and the target is required for morphosyntactically-conditioned allomorphy to arise.